Among the many notions the engineers of American independence borrowed from the architects of the Enlightenment, few have had the long lasting cultural impact of John Locke’s conflation of life, liberty, and property. In the Declaration of Independence, Jefferson modified Locke’s prosaic invocation of property with his own poetically apt and potentially expansive “pursuit of happiness,” but even then there was little doubt about his meaning. The Revolutionary generation agreed on few points, and may have maintained a strategic agnosticism on many pertinent issues; in terms of the practical pursuit of liberty and happiness, however, even Jefferson the Deist would bow to the Lockean trinity, and admit that life, liberty, and property were but different faces of the same god. Problems emerged—as did the first political parties—when the early republican government began to consider what form property might take in order to sponsor the greatest general liberty. Would the law be used to defend the property rights of the already propertied, or to promote and facilitate a general acquisition of property and, accordingly, a general diffusion of the attendant notion of full citizenship?
For the last fifty years of his life, Jefferson would find himself on the latter side of this debate, literally or symbolically at the head of a political party that figured property as the royal road to individual self-determination and republican sovereignty, and the family farm as the practical manifestation of the political ideal. The farm, Jefferson reasoned, would enable families to sustain themselves as physically and politically independent; livestock and produce would render farmers virtually self-sustaining, and make trade into a matter of volition, rather than a necessity. “Every household is a manufactory in itself,” Jefferson would write to Adams in a short sociological epistle on Virginian domestic commerce, before learning that the piece of “homespun” Adams had sent him was a treatise on linguistics by John Quincy Adams. (Jefferson was no doubt pleased that both weaving and philosophizing went on under his roof at Monticello.) At the same time, the fences and other physical boundaries of the farm would mark the limits of the law in its capacity to invade the lives of its citizens. For Jefferson and his Republicans, the farm could be, ideally, a place removed from the state, beyond government, beyond tyranny. Considering Jefferson’s personal fortunes, this was a wistful, if radical, train of thought. The liberties afforded Jefferson by his mastery over Monticello were founded upon the tradition of primogeniture and the legally guaranteed intergenerational transfer of wealth, the fortune he had accrued through his marriage to the widowed Martha Wayles Skelton, the rape and reproduction of a population of enslaved laborers, and credit, pure and simple. When Jefferson died on July 4, 1826, he was in debt up to his patrician nose, and quickly going under. Only the well wishes and kindness of his creditors kept him from losing Monticello during his lifetime; after his death, the estate was sold off, and Jefferson’s anti-slavery pretenses fell away as his white descendents were faced with the need for some quick cash.